Lately,
calls by progressive forces in Uganda for electoral and constitutional reforms have
grown into a din. Premised on socio-economic and political justice, the reformists
demand government efficiency in service delivery to combat corruption, eliminate
waste and manage elections better.
Progressivism
ideally, addresses values,
impulses and issues which tone the content and traction of political engagement
particularly through substantive but gradual reviews of legislative and non
legislative positions. Indeed, history is replete with illustrations of
such courses.
In the United States, progressivism arose in the early 20th century as a response to vast
changes brought about by modernization, such as the growth of large corporations and railroads including
fears of domination and corruption in American politics.
In the first two decades of the twentieth
century, America’s progressive generation established referenda, recalls,
direct primaries and direct elections of Senators as core achievements of
direct democracy.
Basically, progressivism is a characteristic feature in the evolutionary process of any nation. As a middle class driven endeavor, it is often triggered by their fears, anxieties and of course hopes. A core component of progressive thinking is devolution of power –via achievement of less central government and direct democracy through reconstruction of existing governance statutes.
In
Uganda, the restoration of presidential term limits is today a prioritized
agenda item of the progressive voices. Ongoing drifts support them as Angola,
Egypt and even Zimbabwe, have all only recently adopted executive term
limitations.
Policy
wise too, the realities of political federation among East African states
demands the harmonization of electoral laws and processes. Here again -with
specific regard to term limits, Uganda is the only non compliant nation
regionally- a not so favorable distinction.
As
usual, it is the mix of global values and conditions which blend with local dynamics
to stimulate progressive engagements. Broadly speaking, motions related to the fall
of the iron curtain, the velocity of the internet information highway including
ripples from the global economic meltdown are amongst factors radically
altering geo-political structures and balances.
As
for the internet, it has completely revolutionized connectivity through digital
speed networking by atomizing distance and time to a miniscule. The resulting
wonder is an instantly available globe via e-systems; from transacting business
to voting; learning to even socializing.
At a conceptual level, progressivism is neither
oppositionist nor status quo-ist, as it falls beyond the exclusive realm of any
political group but is instead pragmatic. It is a non-ideological system of thought
grounded in solving problems and maintaining strong values within society.
In Uganda, the diverse political persuasions’ and
backgrounds of progressives clearly validate this definition. They include both
young and experienced Members of Parliament from across party divides; a
sprinkle of religious leaders; individual citizens and civil society actors-
many who would ordinarily have had little in common politically.
Such scenarios are not unfamiliar. In the United States,
progressive forces in the first decade of the twentieth century brought
together both reform minded Republicans and populist Democrats, who in response
to the demands of the time came together to effect checks and balances on
governance.
In
many ways, Uganda’s progressive era was commenced by the National Resistance Movement
(NRM). From the elevation of women in public service, the conduct of regular elections
(even if some claim they are purely ritualistic), anchoring the education
sector to progress in communication and transport infrastructure.
Additionally,
while her main credit lies in the restoration of social order in a nation
previously fraught with armed insurgencies and military takeovers; the general
re-establishment of international credibility is another direct outcome.
Conversely
however, questions of runaway corruption, low responsiveness and nepotism in
addition to procurement opaqueness continue to plague the government. Between
December 2011 and March 2012, at least six cabinet ministers were compelled to
resign over corruption allegations.
According
to Alice Nassaka, an expert on Governance and Democracy based at the Foundation
for Human Rights Initiative in Kampala, such incidences are natural products of
long incumbency. They come with the natural adaptation to the comforts of status
quo-ism.
Other
charges include claims of gerrymandering and fragmentation of the country into
small ethnic and sub-ethnic based districts, allegedly under the guise of
bringing services closer to the people. The result has seen the rise of
fractional identities – a blow to stronger national cohesion and integration.
Functionally,
reform agenda proponents face a common challenge – the tendency by competing
political sides to tag reforms to personalities. This view often limits agenda
to the short term, despite the historical fact that most reforms outlive individuals
and mainly benefit future generations.
For
the ruling party, there is another factor to contend with. As is common with revolutionary
movements which ascend to power – they face the challenge of re-branding, re-packaging
and re-invention for the future without losing the sheen, tract and motion from
historical exploits.
What
is the way forward?
If
the examples of Ghana, Kenya, Angola, Tanzania and Zimbabwe are anything to go
by, then a negotiated political settlement is the ultimate way forward. In
addition, the way the ruling NRM navigates through these changes will not only determine
her own institutional legacy and future placement but that of Uganda as well.
Gwada
is A Political Analyst and Head of Information, Research and Advocacy
Citizens
Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU)
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